“The question of success and failure aside, what I consider more important is holding a sentiment of compassion without considering one’s reputation during life or after death, striving to the utmost until one’s dying day, treating death as an afterthought. This is enough to be considered great. Ever since his youth, when he devoted himself to the Revolution, Wang Jingwei consistently held onto this aspiration as an article of faith. One can see the evidence in his poetry, which reflects his inner thoughts and most heartfelt wishes.”
— Ho Mang Hang (1916-2016)
This assessment and his decades-long relationship with Wang Jingwei motivated Ho Mang Hang to spend most of his time after retirement correcting misconceptions and clarifying many of the facts upon which history’s assessment of Wang Jingwei has been based. This same motivation inspired the formation of the Wang Jingwei Irrevocable Trust and the creation of this website.
Close family connections allowed Ho Mang Hang to become a frequent visitor to the Wang Jingwei household since childhood as well as enjoy good relationships with all of the Wang children. Upon becoming an adult, having completed his studies in Nanjing, Ho remained close to the family and continued to follow Wang Jingwei and Chen Bijun. Eventually he became a member of their family, after marrying the Wang’s first daughter Wang Wenxing. For more information on Ho Mang Hang, read his biography here.
For Ho Mang Hang, Wang Jingwei and Chen Bijun were like his own parents, and they treated him as they would their own child. In Wang Jingwei’s later years, during dangerous times, Mr. Ho remained by Wang’s side, taking care of him, helping him, and at times protecting him. When, many years later, Wang Jingwei’s own children and other descendants turned away, unwilling to touch the scars of history and preferring to distance themselves, it was Ho Mang Hang who quietly and tirelessly worked and made it possible for the rest of the world to learn more about the Peace Movement and experience Wang Jingwei’s innermost thoughts and feelings.
Because the label of hanjian(traitor to China) is a heavy historical burden to carry, shedding new light on the history of Wang Jingwei and the Peace Movement has required great courage and perseverance — particularly when faced with silence and denial from Wang Jingwei’s descendants and associates, many of whom changed their names, feared the world’s harsh judgment or, in some cases, even turned to condemnation.
To affirm the work that Ho Mang Hang has contributed to the continuing study of Wang Jingwei, this website displays all the books that Ho wrote or hand-copied, the archives that he organized, resources that he compiled, and original recordings of Wang Jingwei that he gathered, as well as recordings that he made using his own voice, for the world to consider. We also share Ho’s personal views and analyses relating to Wang Jingwei and Chen Bijun as one of the last living eye-witnesses to this turbulent period in modern Chinese history.
Concerned that people could not decipher Wang Jingwei’s handwriting, Ho Mang Hang spent an enormous amount of time hand copying Wang Jingwei’s writings and poetry. He also annotated Wang Jingwei’s poetry and made recordings to help answer scholars’ questions. Even so, in the published works of concerned scholars, Ho Mang Hang’s name or contribution are never mentioned. This is because, from Ho’s point of view, the most important thing is to share his true experiences with scholars. For this reason, he humbly asked them not to cite this “unimportant person” as the source.
In 2012, the Wang Jingwei Irrevocable Trust managing editor Cindy Ho, and chief writer of the website Hsiao-pei Yen convinced Ho Mang Hang that whether or not he was an “unimportant person” his personal experiences and ideas are part of history. Only by compiling the historical record of Wang Jingwei and his associates can we reveal the true face and complexity of this hidden, sometimes twisted, history. We consider Ho Mang Hang and supporters of Wang Jingwei and the Peace Movement to be historical actors for having provided invaluable evidence to the history of Wang Jingwei, the Peace Movement and the Nanjing government. This is the aim of the Wang Jingwei Irrevocable Trust. This is also why the Trust attributes Ho Mang Hang’s work correctly in this web site; and we expect all scholars and researchers who discover Ho’s work to henceforth do the same.
To collect Wang Jingwei related material, Ho Mang Hang visited family and friends who had collections of Wang Jingwei‘s poetry, calligraphy, essays and other hand scripts. All of these materials were listed one-by-one by Ho Mang Hang and hand copied, photocopied and/or photographed for the purpose of studying the material and providing reference for future scholars. These works form a key part of the foundation for this website. The following works have not been published before:
Ho Mang Mang saw a copy of an unfinished autobiography in the home of one of Fang Junbi’s sons. According to the calligraphy and content of this document, Ho Mang Hang determined that the document was written by Wang Jingwei, in collaboration with Zeng Zhongming. Ho referred to it as “Draft,” which we refer to on this web site as Draft of an Unfinished Autobiography.
《南社詩稿》（Poetry of Nanshe）Handcopy by Wang Jingwei
Copies of some of the following unpublished works by Ho Mang Hang have been donated to libraries around the word:
《汪精衛現代中國》Wang Jingwei xiandai Zhongguo (Wang Jingwei and Modern China)
Using the “Draft of an Unfinished Autobiography”《自傳草稿》as a foundation and other published works as references, Ho Mang Hang used Wang Jingwei’s life and the tumultuous history of Republican China as central themes, and wrote Wang Jingwei and Modern China. Mistakenly, WorldCat lists the author of this work as Wang Jingwei. The author is, in fact, Ho Mang Hang.
《雲煙散憶》Yunyan sanyi (Cloud, Smoke, Scattered Memories)
Ho Mang Hang recounted his personal experiences with Wang Jingwei in his memoir Yunyan sanyi (Cloud, Smoke, Scattered Memories.) Chapter titles include黨部的狙擊〉Dangbu de juji (The Attack of 1935),〈西行〉Xixing (Westward Travels),〈兇殺〉Xiongsha (Assassination), and〈星沈〉Xingchen (Fallen Star).
《雙照樓詩詞讀後記》Shuangzhaoloushici duhouji (Reflections After Reading Shuangzhaolou Poetry)
Work includes selections of Wang Jingwei’s poems, annotations and glossary of terms.
《雙照樓印存》Shuangzhaolou yincun（Shuangzhaolou Seal Imprints）
Made from signature seals in the collection of the Wang Jingwei Irrevocable Trust.
《汪精衛先生生平年譜初稿》Wang Jingwei xiansheng shengpeng nianpu chugao (Draft of Chronicle of Mr. Wang Jingwei)
Timeline of Wang Jingwei’s life events.
《汪精衛先生政治論述年表》Wang Jingwei xiansheng zhengzhilunshu nianbiao (Chronicle of Mr. Wang Jingwei’s Political Writings and Speeches)
(WorldCat incorrectly attributes the author as Zhang Jiangcai)
《汪精衛先生政治論述》Wang Jingwei xiansheng zhengzhilunshu (Mr. Wang Jingwei Political Writings and Speeches)
Read here for more information. (WorldCat incorrectly spells the author Ho Mang Hang 何孟恆 as Ho Mang Heng 何孟衡)
《汪精衛先生政治論述補遺》Wang Jingwei xiansheng zhengzhilunshu buyi (Addendum to Mr. Wang Jingwei’s Political Writings and Speeches)
(WorldCat incorrectly attributes the author as Wang Jingwei. The author is, in fact, Ho Mang Hang).
《自述及其他》Zishu ji qita (Autobiography and Related Works)
A collection of Wang Jingwei’s writings about his own life.
《自述及其他（續）》Zishu ji qita xu (Autobiography and More – Addendum)
Addendum to Autobiography and Related Works
〈汪精衛親友及其周圍〉 Wang Jingwei qinyou jiqizhouwei (Wang Jingwei Family, Friends and Members of his Inner Circle)
〈南社詩話中人物〉Nanshe shihua zhong renwu (Characters in “Poetry of Nanshe”)
〈汪精衛世系宗支〉Wang Jingwei shixi zongzhi (Wang Jingwei Genealogy Record)
〈對「細說當年」的期望〉Dui xisuodangnian de qiwang (Expectations for “Retelling the Past”)
〈「陳璧君傳記－張靜星著」讀後記〉Chen Bijun juanji – Zhang Jingxingzhu duhouji (Reflections After Reading the Biography of Chen Bijun by Zhang Jingxing)
〈「汪精衛叛國出逃探微」讀後記〉Wang jingwei banguo chutao tanwei duhouji (Reflections After Reading “A Detailed Investigation of Wang Jingwei’s Betrayal”)
〈歷史的塵封與啟封讀後記〉Lishi de chenfeng yu qifeng duhouji (Reflections After Reading “The Sealing and Unsealing of History”)
〈「從詩情看汪精衛的投敵」讀後記〉Cong shiqing kan wangjingwei de toudi duhouji (Reflections After Reading “Examining Wang Jingwei’s Defect Through His Poetry”)
Boorman, Howard L, Richard C. Howard, and Joseph K.H. Cheng, eds. Biographical Dictionary of Modern China. Vol. 3. New York: Columbia University Press, 1970. Click to view Ho Mang Hang’s translation of Wang Jingwei’s biography.
Boorman, Howard L, Richard C. Howard, and Joseph K.H. Cheng, eds. Biographical Dictionary of Modern China. Vol. 3. New York: Columbia University Press, 1970. Click to view Ho Mang Hang’s translation of Chen Bijun’s biography.
China Institute of International Affairs, The Scorched Earth Policy and Its Misapplication: a Collection of Documents. Click to view Ho Mang Hang’s Chinese translation.
Lin, Han-sheng. “Wang Ching-wei’s Memorandum to the Japanese Government, 1942.” Click to view Ho Mang Hang’s Chinese translation.
The following are handcopies by Ho Mang Hang, which he intended for easier reading:
〈汪精衛供詞〉Wang Jingwei gongci (Wang Jingwei’s Testimonies)
〈最後之心情〉Zuihou zhi xinqing (How I Feel in My Last Moment, 1943) with annotations:
Ho Mang Hang has always been generous toward serious writers and scholars by helping them in their study of Wang Jingwei.
Some years ago, Jin Xiongbai’s The Opening and the Closing of the Wang Regime was published after Ho Mang Hang supplied the author with additional material. Others who have contacted Ho include Cai Dejin, Wang Kewen, Lin Siyun, Kimiko Sakai, Tsen Chunglu, Zhao Wumian, Fuyuko Kamisaka, Gao Folin, Chen Zhenlin. In addition to accepting their interviews to explain what happened from his eyewitness point of view, Ho Mang Hang continued to write letters to help these scholars understand Wang Jingwei’s ideas and, in particular, his writings. For the same purpose, Ho Mang Hang translated portions of the Shuangzhaolou poems into English.
The following are questions and answers between Ho Mang Hang and wangjingwei.org chief writer Yen Hsaio-pei, which form the foundation and principles behind the Wang Jingwei Irrevocable Trust.
How do you wish people today would view Wang Jingwei and his government?
Wang Jingwei was a true patriot. His government was founded to save China and save the people. It was a true government, not an artificial (or wei) government. Most important, Wang’s words and deeds were aligned. To understand his person and his political thoughts and ideas, just read his poetry and essays — especially his “Determination for Revolution” and the poem “A recount of my vision and sentiments.” These two works are essential readings for those who wish to explore Wang Jingwei, both as a person and his deeds.”
How do you and your wife Wang Wenxing view the establishment of Wang Jingwei's Nanjing Government?
Considering the situation at the time, this appeared to be Wang Jingwei’s only road to save China. In March of 1939 in Hanoi, Zeng Zhongming had died. Wang Jingwei first told Chen Bijun, and then announced his decision to the rest of the family. We were not surprised. Even though this decision created for us, and many other people, negative consequences, we still consider that it was worthwhile.
As a young man, Wang Jingwei was a radical revolutionary. Why did he later become a peace-loving person who hated fighting and conflict?
Ever since I have had knowledge, I have been by Wang Jingwei’s side. I have deep knowledge of his manners, his everyday behavior and character. Wang gave himself to matters of the world, doing his utmost, even to the degree of forgetting his own self. If I had not been so close to him, I would not have believed that such a person could exist.
Fundamentally, Wang was a vehement and fervent yet generous and giving warrior. Under the Manchu rule, he naturally followed the path of sacrificing himself for the country. In his poems,“On Being Arrested,” “On turning the wheel into firewood,” and “A recount of my vision and sentiments” one can find the source to interpret his true motives and feelings. The revolutionaries believed that the first step to save China required violence to overthrow the Manchu. In his 1910 essay “Discussion on the Revolutionary Trends,” Wang said: “What China needs is revolution, not constitution.” Yet after the overthrow of the Qing, the task became much more difficult than simply sacrificing oneself for the cause. How to achieve the goal of the revolution? How to build a new nation? All the responsibilities were now on the shoulders of those who survived. Wang had no choice but to devote himself not only to the affairs of the party and education, but also to political affairs, which went against his original insistence on not becoming a politician. From that point onward, his life and politics could not be separated.
According to my knowledge, Wang Jingwei’s philosophy and guiding principles are based on Mencian philosophy of the commiserating mind, which could not bear the suffering of others. For this reason, he threw himself into the revolution and gave up his original desire not to enter politics and the ideal of an idyllic lifestyle. He was consistently selfless, forgetting his own personal being. He was a politician not in control of either the military or finances. Whenever he faced opposition, he only relied on his voice and his pen. When he was pushed aside, he could only retreat. But whenever the country was facing difficulty, he forgot everything and assumed responsibility. Throughout the years, he exercised forbearance to shoulder the difficulties of the country.
When the Manchurian Incident and the Shanghai Incident occurred and Japan invaded China as an aggressor, China had only begun to stand on its own feet and was desperately in need of more time to gain strength. The policy of the time was “peace is not given up until it is completely hopeless; sacrifice is not easily made unless there is no other option.” In the end, war was inevitable, but the hope was to continue negotiating while fighting. As the prime minister, Wang Jingwei continued to bear this responsibility under such policy. To be honest, it is not because as he became older he leaned toward peace negotiation and hated fighting. On the contrary, after Zhang Xueliang abandoned his duty to fight and retreated, Wang Jingwei, taking the blame and resigning in anger, also compelled Zhang Xueliang to resign, as a way of apologizing to the country.
After the Marco Polo Bridge Incident on July 7, 1937 the country was at the end of its tether. At that time, some people in Japan brought up the issue of peace negotiations repeatedly. The affairs of the state became increasingly dire. Those who were interested in saving the country would seize any opportunity to do so. Since the beginning when Sun Yat-sen’s founded the Republic, there had been the thought of Pan-Asianism and that Japan and China should be friends rather than enemies. Wang left Chongqing in 1938, released the Yan telegram, and the establishment of the Nanjing government followed suit. In “One Example” he wrote after Zeng Zhongming’s death, he stated, “After this article is published, who knows when I may follow Zeng Zhongming to my death. I hope that after my death, my countrymen will carefully read this essay and understand my position.” That is why Wang Jingwei from early years to old age, has always insisted on the sentiment that he held when he first joined the Revolution: “Not to fear death; not to dread trouble.” He continued to hold onto Mencian philosophy of the commiserating mind, forgetting himself, for the good of the country.
How did the Hanoi assassination incident affect Wang Jingwei's choice to set up a separate government?
Some people think that Wang Jingwei based his decision to set up a new government out of a momentary anger, because Zeng Zhongming, who was very close to him, was killed in Hanoi. This thinking is incorrect. How can personal sentiments and affairs of the state be mixed up and considered together? The fact that Wang Jingwei was heartbroken and angry over Zeng Zhongming’s death goes without saying. But negotiating peace with Japan and setting up a government were not the result of an impulsive decision following Zeng’s death. Wang believed that peace was the only road to save the country; and for the sake of saving the country, he had long ago cast aside any fears about the possible danger that peace negotiation would cause. However, the peace negotiation route was not accepted by the Guomindang. Even after he left China to search for other channels to negotiate peace with Japan, the suggestions he made were not tolerated by Chiang Kai-shek, which in turn led to the attempted assassination in Hanoi. To Wang Jingwei, death in itself was not a concern, but if he had died, his proposal to save China would never be realized. Wang was heartbroken after Zeng Zhongming’s death but was by no means depressed or defeated. He actively understood that only by setting up a new government could he have the power to protect himself and realize his vision. Such thinking was described in his essay “One Example.”
Therefore, even if the Hanoi incident had not occurred, were Zeng Zhongming not sacrificed. Wang’s plan to save the country through peaceful negotiations would not have changed. Even though he decided to temporarily leave the country, as soon as the country needed him, he would put everything aside to return.
Does Wang's proposal for the Peace Movement have any relationship to his disagreement with Chiang Kai-shek within the Guomindang?
Wang Jingwei’s proposal for peace was based on the fact that, at that time, China was defenseless against Japan. Only peace could save the country. The important essays published from the end of 1938 to 1939 all reveal this thinking. Suggesting peace is more difficult and the sacrifice involved in doing so is far greater than proposing military revolution. From his personal point of view, should a revolution fail, one would lose one’s life. But by making the choice to recommend peace, which many people considered a “betrayal,” one not only risked one’s own life but sacrificed something much greater: one’s own reputation. The revolutionaries might die, but they were always remembered as consecrated martyrs; while those who pursue peace were undoubtedly condemned. Wang Jingwei did not lose his focus and did not act impulsively. All of these sentiments had been developed over time (see his early 1939 work, “Reply to the Overseas Chinese.” Therefore, when he took the peace route, he did so with conviction to fulfill promises made in the “Determination for Revolution” from 40 years earlier!
Wang had repeatedly suggested his position on peace to Chang Kai-shek. After leaving Chongqing, he continued to stress that as long as his suggestion was not accepted, he would continue to promote it as an exile. See “One Example” and “Reply to the Overseas Chinese.” Viewed from this perspective, Wang’s proposal had nothing to do with any disagreement with Chiang Kai-shek within the Party and nothing to do with jockeying for power.
Wang Jingwei travelled abroad on several occasions when he was disappointed in his political circles. Was this a form of escapism?
Wang Jingwei frequently travelled abroad, especially to France, because he admired its democratic ideology. For this reason, as soon as he left the political arena in China, he would want to get close to the source of his political ideal. On the other hand, even by leaving the political arena, Wang still needed to consider his personal safety. In China, since he was not a warlord or a military figure, he had no domain under his control and therefore was vulnerable to attack at any time. There were not so many places where he could make his home. Although foreign countries were far away, being overseas was sometimes more convenient compared to life and traveling within China. During the republican period, Wang Jingwei was not the only figure who chose to temporarily go overseas. Hu Hanmin also went to Europe. However, even though he was overseas, his heart was with his motherland. Every time the country needed him, he always left everything behind and returned to China, shouldering important responsibilities. So we should not say that he is running away from his responsibilities by going away.
How do you evaluate the authenticity of the “Wang Jingwei Diary”?
The authenticity of the “Wang Jingwei Diary” in the collection of the Shanghai Municipal Archives still needs to be verified. As far as I know, Wang did not have the habit of keeping a diary. For this “diary” to all of a sudden appear does not make sense. If he did write a diary, he would have taken it very seriously, safeguarding it, and entrusting it to someone. The Shanghai Municipal Archives proclaims that the diary in its collection was held by Zeng Zhongming’s widow Fang Junbi and later given to the Archives by the Fang family. But Zeng Zhongming passed away in 1939. Why would Wang Jingwei’s diary that includes the years 1940 to 1944 be given to Zeng Zhongming’s wife for safekeeping? From the published excerpts in the media, I believe this so-called “diary” is, in all probability, a day book or appointment book, recording when Wang saw whom, the subjects of discussions, meeting dates, speech locations, etc., similar to a secretary’s appointment book. Whether this “diary” is truly written in Wang’s hand cannot be determined, since the Shanghai Municipal Archives has not allowed us to examine the original.
You were Chen Bijun's secretary. Was she truly, as others have said, an arrogant, rude, unreasonable and greedy person who enjoyed dominating over Wang Jingwei?
I only started working for Chen Bijun after marrying Wang Wenxing, so I am not clear what kind of person she was when she was young. I can only speak about what I saw and heard. She was fearless in pointing out other people’s errors, sometimes in a reprimanding manner. This might be because she was spoiled by her parents in childhood. Still, she would always seek my opinion before executing a decision. That shows her respect for me. Was she a greedy person? Her father was one of the wealthiest Chinese merchants in Malaysia. She was born with a silver spoon in her mouth and was used to live by certain standards. She was portrayed as a greedy woman for her “love” of money by some people (for example, Jin Xiongbai). For sure, she liked to use goods of high quality. But a person like Chen Bijun would not care for a few pieces of silver or gold. Did she enjoy dominating over Wang Jingwei? She cared a lot about his health and would interfere with meetings between Wang Jingwei and other people if they went overtime and impeded on his rests. As for her relationship with Wang Jingwei, that is their personal affair and should not affect our evaluation of Chen Bijun as a person or her contribution to the country.
What was Wang Jingwei's relationship with Fang Junying?
When they were studying in Japan, Wang Jingwei and Li Zhongshi, Zeng Xing, Fang Junying and Chen Bijun became close friends because they shared common interests. Fang Junying was an upright and fervent person, resolute and steadfast, and she was respected by Sun Yat-sen, Hu Hanmin, Zhu Zhixin and other revolutionaries. Chen Bijun, who was seven years younger than Fang Junying, admired her. Zeng Xing and Fang Junying took care of Chen as their younger sister. Although Wang Jingwei was a year younger than Fang Junying, he respected her very much and referred to her as “older sister”. These five people formed the assassination group and became comrades, and went through fire and water together. Before Wang Jingwei attempted to assassinate the Prince Regent in 1910, he wrote a long letter to Zeng Xing and Fang Junying declaring his feelings for Chen Bijun and his wish to be engaged to her before meeting his death. After the success of the Revolution, the married Wang Jingwei and Chen Bijun travelled to France to study. Zeng Xing, Fang Junying and other relatives also traveled along. To acknowledge their friendship with Fang Junying, Wang and Chen named their first child “Ying.” When Sun Yat-sen called Wang and Chen back to China a few times to help with the political situation in the new Republic, Zeng and Fang assumed the responsibility of taking care of their new-born daughter. Although the Wang and Fang families were not related by blood, their friendship was deep.
As Fang Jinying’s younger sister Fang Junbi said, although Wang Jingwei was very charming, he was also conservative, traditional, amiable and reserved. He never said anything impolite and never overstepped proper etiquette. The Fangs and Wangs knew each other because of the Revolution; their relationship was based on sharing trials and tribulations and a lofty “life or death” type of friendship. Rumors about a Wang – Fang – Chen love triangle, and that Fang Junying committed suicide because of Chen Bijun are complete unfounded fabrications.
Did the Wangs change the names of their children?
The six Wang children were born with the single names Ying, Xing, Bin, Xun, Jing and Ti. But after the oldest son, Wang Ying, and Tan Wensou married and the second child Wang Xing married Ho Man Kit (He Wenjie), Chen Bijun added the “wen” character to the names of all of her children, to express the idea that they were all one family. As for my original name, Man Kit (Wenjie), Chen Bijun changed it to Mang Hang, hoping that I would have perseverance. I like this name very much and have called myself Mang Hang since that time.
What was daily life during the Nanjing government like for Wang Jingwei?
Wang Jingwei only knew to work; he did not pay much attention to his own basic needs. His days were occupied with meetings, visits and speeches. From Monday to Saturday, aside from a 30-minute walk at 7am, a 30-minute nap at noon and three meals, he barely had any time left for leisure. During the little free time that he did have left, he spent it on paperwork, correspondence, telegrams, speech scripts and drafts. Chen Bijun was always with him when he was at home. Her study was next to his so she could easily take care of him. Because Wang was too busy, the responsibility of educating the children fell on Chen’s shoulders. She was not a strict mother but scolded the children whenever they were impolite.
Upon Chen’s insistence, Wang reserved the time after dinner for the family. Sometimes they watched movies at home. Chen’s nephew Chen Guoqi was the one who controlled the projector. Sundays were supposed to be Wang’s free time. Chen did her best to keep him away from governmental business. Wang liked children and often invited the sons and daughters of his friends and relatives, such as Zeng Zhongming’s, Lin Bosheng’s, Chen Chong-Choo’s or Chen Gongbo’s, who stayed in his house until after lunch. Sometimes he told them stories. Sometimes he let the children ask whatever questions they had. He even talked to them about peace and world affairs in front of a world atlas.
Other than daily walks, Wang Jingwei swam if time allowed. Before the war, he would go to the Tangshan Club with Chen Bijun. They enjoyed the spa, had some noodles, played a few rounds of Chinese chess, and took a nap. During the autumn, they sometimes went to see foliage on Qixia Mountain. After the war, the family took walks to Gulin Temple across from their home, which was a quiet destination few people visited.
Wang Jingwei enjoyed red wine which might have been a habit he developed during his time in France. But since he had diabetes, he could only drink a little during dinner, on strict doctor’s orders. He often had meals in Western style even though he preferred Chinese food, but because it was easier to measure the amounts of food he took in.
Wang Jingwei was one to fully utilize the very limited time he had for rest. He took a nap after lunch every day. Once he lied down and closed his eyes, he could fall asleep immediately. He did not toss and turn, and would wake up right before it was two. He went to bed at 11pm every night and arose every morning at 6:30. Day after day, he followed this regimen.
Ho Mang Hang recited in Cantonese and added his own explanations to the following works by Wang Jingwei that he considered to be most representative:
〈革命之決心〉Geming de juexin “Determination for Revolution”（1）
〈革命之決心〉Geming de juexin “Determination for Revolution”（2）
〈革命之決心〉Geming de juexin “Determination for Revolution”（3）
〈述懷〉Shuhuai (“A recount of my vision and sentiments”)